The occupation of ’67 is not the problem. The problem is the Nakba. [A necessary follow-up meme]

After yesterday posting my translation of Kobi Niv’s article, I just had to follow up with this meme in the two languages that can be most influential in this tortured, torturous & torturing matter of the State of Israel’s continuing criminal rule over Palestine.

niv quote meme

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“ENOUGH OF THE CLAPTRAP” – Kobi Niv on the most important truth about Israel in Palestine

I don’t know how many more texts I’ll yet translate, but I’m so glad to have translated into English this article by Kobi Niv in Haaretz (Hebrew), 2017/12/27, in which an Israeli-Jewish columnist states incisively & succinctly what I feel is the most important truth about Israel in Palestine. I agree with every word, & have felt this way for a long time now. Its title in Hebrew, Dai laKishkush, די לקשקוש, “ENOUGH OF THE CLAPTRAP”, is a riff on the Israeli left’s slogan Dai laKibush, די לכיבוש.
& I’ve made a meme of the first four pars because they say the essence of it all. I hope it will be widely read & shared.

kobi niv

The Hebrew original of the entire text follows. המקור העברי כולו בהמשך

& here is my translation of the entire text:

ENOUGH OF THE CLAPTRAP
The occupation, the occupation, the occupation, the occupation – how many more times will we keep saying and hearing that it – whatever it is – is all because of the occupation, and that we can’t go on with the occupation, and that only ending the occupation will bring peace, and woe to us if we don’t end the occupation, and that the occupation corrupts, and Enough of the Occupation. And which occupation are we speaking about, the one whose ending will supposedly bring the peace and the sababa?[1] The occupation of ’67.

But the occupation of ’67 is the continuation of the occupation of ’48. This is the historical truth. The occupation of ’67 is the continuation – historical, incessant and inseparable – of the occupation of ’48.

The lie that we keep telling ourselves is that from ‘48 to ’67 there arose and existed here a model democratic state, without occupation and without oppression, but in ’67 there fell upon us the curse of the Six-Day War, which turned us, unwillingly and sadly for us, into occupiers & oppressors.

All this is as true as that a chicken is a giraffe. Because the State of Israel, in the borders of ’48 or ’67 or 2017, was conquered/occupied[2] from the Palestinians who lived in it, to establish, in their place, a state for Jews. The conquest/occupation of ’48 was the beginning of this process, and the conquest/occupation of ’67 was its continuation. It’s not the case that before there was no occupation here and now there is an occupation. All such talk is claptrap.

First of all – during all the years of the State of Israel’s existence, in its various borders, the vast majority of the Palestinians under our rule have lived under a military occupation regime. From the establishment of the state until 1966, in the sweet and little Israel of once upon a time, all the Palestinian “Israeli Arabs” lived under what was called “military government”. In ’66 this military government was as-it-were abolished, but in fact was replaced by a rule of police oppression. A year later already came the Six-Day War, and since then the decisive majority of the Palestinians under our rule continue living under an occupation regime. And in fact nothing has changed. That’s how it is here and how it’s always been.

Secondly – “the horrors of the occupation” that we do speak about today, for example the case of Elor Azaria, are like nothing compared to the horrors which that pure and tiny state perpetrated under the enlightened “left” governance of Ben-Gurion, like the blowing up of the homes in the village of Qibya with all its inhabitants, an action in which more than 60 civilians were killed, most of them women and children, in ’53, or the massacre in Kafr Qassem in which 43 civilians were killed, women and children among them, in ’56.

Moreover – during the ’48 occupation we destroyed numerous Arab villages, we killed and expelled their inhabitants, and on their ruins we established settlements. The ’67 occupation dis much more enlightened. We almost don’t destroy villages and don’t expel their inhabitants. We “only” build settlements on their lands.

This is why the occupation of ’67 is not the problem, and ending this occupation will not bring an end to the problem. The problem is the Nakba, and until the State of Israel acknowledges, loudly and clearly, its responsibility for the disaster of the Palestinians, our bloody war with them will continue.

Yet not only the government, but also the absolute majority of Israel’s Jewish citizens, including the most “leftist”, are not willing to even think about this.
Quite the opposite. What we all say to Palestinians who dare to just mention the Nakba is ”There was no Nakba, and if you keep saying there was a Nakba, we’ll do you another Nakba, got it?”

______________________________
1 sababa – an Arabic word, صَبَابَة‏ ,. that has become a commonplace Israeli-Hebrew slang term for all’s cool, everything’s fine.
2 The Israeli-Hebrew word kibush, כיבוש, means both conquest and occupation.

קובי ניב / די לקשקוש

הכיבוש, הכיבוש, הכיבוש, הכיבוש – כמה פעמים עוד נשמיע ונשמע שזה הכל, מה שזה לא יהיה, בגלל הכיבוש, ואי אפשר להמשיך בכיבוש, ורק סיום הכיבוש יביא את השלום, ואוי לנו אם לא נשים קץ לכיבוש, והכיבוש משחית, ודי לכיבוש. ועל איזה כיבוש אנחנו מדברים, זה שסיומו יביא לכאורה את השלום והסבבה? הכיבוש של 67′.

אבל הכיבוש של 67′ הוא המשך הכיבוש של 48′. זאת האמת ההיסטורית. הכיבוש של 67′ הוא המשך – היסטורי, רציף ובלתי נפרד – הכיבוש של 48′.

השקר שאנחנו מספרים לעצמנו הוא שמ-48′ ועד 67′ קמה והתקיימה פה מדינה דמוקרטית למופת, בלי כיבוש ובלי דיכוי, אבל ב-67′ נפלה עלינו מארת מלחמת ששת הימים, שהפכה אותנו, שלא ברצוננו, ולא עלינו, לכובשים ולמדכאים.

כל זה נכון כמו שתרנגול זה ג’ירפה. כי מדינת ישראל, בגבולות של 48′ או 67′ או 2017, נכבשה מידי הפלסטינים שישבו בה, כדי להקים בה במקומם מדינה ליהודים. הכיבוש ב-48′ היה ראשיתו של התהליך הזה, והכיבוש של 67′ הוא המשכו. זה לא שקודם לא היה פה שום כיבוש ורק עכשיו יש כיבוש. כל הדיבור הזה הוא קשקוש.

ראשית – במשך כל שנות קיומה של מדינת ישראל, בגבולותיה השונים, תמיד חיו ועדיין חיים רוב רובם של הפלסטינים שבשליטתנו תחת משטר כיבוש צבאי. למן הקמת המדינה ועד ל-1966, בישראל הקטנה והחמודה של פעם, חיו כל הפלסטינים “ערביי ישראל” תחת מה שנקרא “ממשל צבאי“. ב-66′ כאילו בוטל הממשל הצבאי הזה, אבל בעצם רק הוחלף בשלטון דיכוי משטרתי. שנה אחר כך כבר באה מלחמת ששת הימים, ומאז ממשיכים רובם המכריע של הפלסטינים בשליטתנו לחיות תחת משטר של כיבוש. ובעצם שום דבר לא השתנה. ככה זה פה מאז ומעולם.

דבר שני – “זוועות הכיבוש” שאנחנו מדברים עליהן היום, למשל מקרה אלאור אזריה, הן כאין וכאפס לעומת הזוועות שעשתה מדינת ישראל הקטנה והזכה ההיא, תחת שלטון “השמאל” הנאור של בן-גוריון, כמו פיצוץ בתי הכפר קיביה על יושביהם, פעולה שבה נהרגו למעלה מ-60 אזרחים, רובם נשים וילדים, בשנת 53′, או הטבח בכפר-קאסם בו נרצחו 43 אזרחים, בהם גם נשים וילדים, בשנת 56′.

זאת ועוד – בכיבוש של 48′ הרסנו כפרים פלסטיניים לרוב, הרגנו וגירשנו את יושביהם, ועל חורבותיהם הקמנו לנו ישובים. הכיבוש של 67′ הרבה יותר נאור. אנחנו כבר כמעט לא הורסים כפרים ולא מגרשים את יושביהם. אנחנו “רק” מקימים ישובים על אדמותיהם.

לכן הכיבוש של 67′ הוא לא הבעיה וסיומו של הכיבוש הזה גם לא ישים קץ לבעיה. הבעיה היא הנכבה. ועד שמדינת ישראל לא תכיר, בקול רם וברור, באחריותה לאסונם של הפלסטינים, מלחמת הדמים שלנו איתם תימשך.

אלא שלא רק הממשלה, אלא גם רובם המוחלט של אזרחי ישראל היהודים, כולל הכי “שמאלנים”, לא מוכנים אפילו לחשוב על זה.

ההיפך. מה שכולנו אומרים לפלסטינים שמעזים להעלות את הנכבה על דל שפתותיהם זה “לא היתה שום נכבה, ואם תמשיכו להגיד שהיתה נכבה, נעשה לכם עוד נכבה, הבנתם

 

 

 

 

It never happened לא היה ולא נברא

My English translation, today (70 years after November 29, 1947) from the Hebrew translation by Anton Shammas (2006), which was posted today on Facebook by Michael Kaminer

תרגומי לאנגלית, היום (70 שנה אחרי ה29 לנובמבר 1947), מתרגומו העברי של אנטון שמאס (2006), שהועלה היום בפייסבוק ע”י מיכאל קמינר

taha never happened

THE MONARCH IS NO FOOL, & HE IS SOLIDLY BACKED BY THE EMPIRE– three sentences (with numerous parentheses)

bibi-4pics

He is no fool (though many of his opponents think he is & deride him publicly accordingly), the four-times elected (presently in his third time in a row) monarch (surely the correct word, “a sole and absolute ruler of a state or nation”, which by now for all practical purposes I’d say he is) of the Zionist State (I prefer not to use the name this state has in my opinion usurped & has no real right to, because it has for millennia been the Hebrew name for all Jewry in the world, most of whom live outside & are not represented by that state), Mr Rightson Godgiven (this is a fair Englishing of his Hebrew name; look up Yahu).

In many ways, he’s a genius, & has proved himself to be a superb manipulator not only within the Zionist State (where he has securely established an administration whose functionaries do his bidding, where the taxes of citizens pay for the subsidizing of settlers in the occupied “West Bank” while the health, welfare, educational; cultural & social needs of the citizens within the State proper are ignored, where activities against his policies & practices are suppressed &/or punished, where an indoctrinated &/or terrified populace is continually conned into not feeling compassion or objecting to the continuing brutality of the continuous occupation & the continuing non-acknowledgment of the Nakba that has been ongoing for almost 70 years, & of the Zionist State’s responsibility for it, where everything that a humane observer would excoriate & rage about is allowed to continue through the power of fear &/or the Big Lie of “the nation-state of the Jewish people”, to the extent that most of the populace don’t even feel complicity in the crimes against humanity their state is continuously committing) but also in the international arena, as his latest triumph in getting Egypt to withdraw its resolution from the Security Council agenda yesterday.

Except that here (as in numerous previous ventures & interventions by him outside of & on behalf of the Zionist State) he mightn’t have succeeded had there not been powerful interests who do not want to see the Zionist State’s power in Palestine & in the Middle East weakened, not because they favor or love or even care for Zionism as such (though having more “white” Jews there might seem better to & for them than having it all inhabited by “black” Arabs), but because there is more profit & power for them if things continue as they are. As monarch of the Zionist State he has solid backing from the “Western” global neo-liberal Empire…

Aya Zinati: “We Are Not In The Same Boat. A Letter to Israeli Feminists”

[My translation / Hebrew original below / מקור בעברית בהמשך]

To Israeli feminists and activists I say clearly and emphatically: No, we’re not in the same boat, and we’re not partners in the same struggle.

Such partnership is not possible because we don’t undergo the same oppression. We can’t be partners because you (and to be fair, I’ll say the crushing majority of you) don’t acknowledge the injustice of the Nakba and the oppression of the occupation that began in 1948, continued in 1967, and to this day.

This injustice and this oppression cannot be separated from what we’re undergoing today. We were expelled, murdered and raped in 1948 and in 1967 and the vast majority of you denied and continue to deny this fact, and whenever we bring it up you choose to abandon the struggle. For this reason it’s important to make clear that we, the Palestinian women living within the borders of the State of Israel, and also the Palestinian women living in the West Bank, Gaza, and in the Palestinian diaspora, have been conducting a single (although changing and developing) feminist-national struggle for many years, from back in the days of the British occupation and even before that. We have struggled against the Zionist occupation since 48, and at the same time we have conducted a struggle against the patriarchy that dominates in most of the strata of our Palestinian society. We do not need beside us Israeli women who are willing to “support” us in a way that is partial, conditional, limited and stuttering. For how is it possible to champion values of feminism and equality, but not to acknowledge and not to be willing to speak about oppression and occupation? I need to note that a very few of you are indeed willing to speak about the occupation, and particularly about the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, but those voices dissolve under the majority of you who aren’t willing to speak about this at all. How can a settler-woman in a house and on land that she has stolen from another Palestinian woman and family expect us to sit at a table and speak about partnership and women’s rights? It’s impossible, period. A Palestinian woman who participates in such a discourse places herself from the outset in a weak and hypocritical position, and is perhaps unaware of the danger in such a discourse.

We are in two boats, and they’re essentially different. We, the Palestinian feminists, don’t need women who’ll preach morals to us, or tell us how we ought to conduct our struggle – just as you wouldn’t be willing to accept men who’ll tell you how to conduct your struggle. We know very well how to conduct ourselves, how to demand and obtain our rights, what to say and when! We know that our journey is very long and hard. It includes resistance to the occupation, resistance to the patriarchy, and resistance to women who think they’ll redeem us from oppression while they themselves take part in our oppression but don’t have the courage to acknowledge this. You want a shared and comfortable struggle, but we’re not comfortable at all with this equation, and in this struggle too we’ve decided to break the silence. We erred and were silent a lot, and there are those who are still silent, but the day will come when they too will reach the right conclusions. Once we thought that you’d take it in, that you’d understand, that you’d acknowledge, but to our regret nothing has changed, and to be truthful it isn’t worth the effort, when we find ourselves expressing and explaining our position again and again, and while every new Israeli women’s project that wants to work in partnership with us repeats your willingness to speak only on gender problems in society, your evasions of speaking in a truthful way about the price the occupation extorts from is, and your expectations that we’ll be willing to give up.

palwomen-1929

Palestinian women demonstrating outside the British High Commissioner’s HQ, 1929

The struggle being conducted by Palestinian women wasn’t born yesterday. Here are some historical facts you should know: the Palestinian feminist movement was born in 1893, when women demonstrated against the establishing of the first Zionist settlements in Palestine, on lands of Palestinian villages. Already at its outset this struggle was interwoven with the Palestinian national struggle. In 1904 the first Palestinian women’s NPO [non-profit organization] was formed. In 1910, Palestinian women in Jaffa set up an NPO for women’s empowerment, which among other things assisted women to study and to get an education. In 1917 women demonstrated against the Balfour Declaration. In the late 1920s many Palestinian women’s NFOs were formed. Some of these engaged in politics and in the Palestinian national project, others in health, education, economics, empowerment, and in advancing women on all levels. The first union of Palestinian women was formed in 1919, with the participation of women from many towns and villages, including Akka, Haifa, Jaffa, Nablus, etc. The first congress of Palestinian women took place in in 1929, with hundreds of women taking part. Many important congresses like it have been held since then, and continue to do so. Women participated in the Palestinian revolution and took part significantly in the uprising and the resistance, were part of the Palestinian army until 1948, and Palestinian women fighters were killed in the course of the fighting beside those women who were killed in their homes, in mosques they were hiding in from the shelling and the shooting, or while they were fleeing with the intention of returning one day. Palestinian feminist history is too long to detail in a short post, and these are only several details from it.
– Does any of you know it? Has any of you invested time in learning about it?

Since 48 the movement has undergone many changes: the messages, the goals, and of course the women themselves, have changed, but we’re proud to be daughters of this strong and empowering movement. We are another generation, and a generation is lacking, because many are not with us physically. Our partners in the struggle live in refugee camps in Arab countries after being expelled in the Nakba, others were expelled to the West Bank or Gaza and live there, in addition to the Palestinians who were already living in the part of Palestine that was occupied in 67. We wish for the moment when all Palestinian women will be able to return to their homes, to their lands, to their homeland, we wish for the moment when we’ll be able to work together without any barriers or limitations. For this too is a right that has been stolen from us, and you choose to deny this. We, Palestinian women, the majority of us, will always be here, in order to say this.

And from here I wonder, and today in a loud and proud voice, how is it possible to talk about feminism and to refuse to talk about the occupation since 48? How is it possible to talk about feminism and not to talk about the Palestinian women who were raped in 48? How is it possible to refuse to hear about cases of sexual harassment by men of the Border Police undergone since always and to this day by women activists during demonstrations and during interrogations? How is it possible to be a feminist and to champion values of freedom and equality, and to represent Palestinian women as weak, and Israeli women as saviors and not as occupiers? How is it possible to dare to demand of the Palestinian women that they put aside their national and political pain, so as to sail with them on a phoney journey of liberty that perpetuates the occupation? You keep repeating “Why drag everything back to the Nakba?”, and we keep declaring “Every day is Nakba” – of brave, strong women, who will change society, but in a different boat than yours, a boat that we have built, and we know where it’s heading.

Aya Zinati is a Palestinian feminist activist, residing in Lod, and a leading figure in the struggle against violence towards women in that city and in Palestinian society within the 48 boundaries

Here is the FB post with the Hebrew original , as shared by Miri Barak, who wrote: “A clear and strong voice. Every day is Nakba”.

וכאן הפוסט עם המקור בעברית

Correcting a misleading English translation of a brave Haaretz Editorial on the challenge now posed by the Joint List MKs to “the Jewish politicians who dream of […] stopping Israel’s slide down the nationalist-religionalist slope”

Today’s courageous & insightful Hebrew editorial in Haaretz is not about background, but about the future.
עברית: http://www.haaretz.co.il/opinions/editorial-articles/1.3086811
English: http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/1.745772

The thrust of this editorial has (IMHO) been watered down (to say the least), a few (one especially, see if you find it) of its statements have been misleadingly mistranslated, & a few somewhat awkwardly translated.
To offer a more accurate translation I’ve therefore made a few changes to Haaretz’s English translation (using strikethroughs for my deletions from that translation, & bold for my changes/contributions to it).

The first misleading moment is in the title.

 

EDITORIAL

BACKGROUND OF A BOYCOTT

A BOYCOTT AND ITS POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE

The decision by the Joint List MKs not to attend former President Shimon Peres’ funeral stated has established a very highly significant political fact. The leadership of the Arab public rebelled against the narrative of the Zionist majority, which ignores the history and feelings of the minority, and demonstrated dual political independence – vis-à-vis the official Israeli establishment, represented by that Peres represented, and and vis-à-vis Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who came to the funeral.

Joint List chairman MK Ayman Odeh appeared on the establishment TV Channel 2, our “tribal campfire,” and faced barbs of criticism from the interviewers when he presented an opposing narrative – the memory of the Nakba, the massacre of Kafr Qasem,Qassem, and the Arabs killed during the events of October 2000, commemorated in ceremonies in the Galilee and Wadi Ara. Never has a political figure from the majority Jewish community attended these events and they are not covered on prime-time television.

ayman-odeh

Ayman Odeh MK (Hadash), leader of the Joint List

The boycott of the funeral thus achieved its goal: placing the opposing narrative of the Arab minority at the center of media and public center stage attention, backed by the power of the third-largest faction in the Knesset. The excoriations condemnations of Odeh and his fellow faction members for their impoliteness protest will neither disappear efface nor blunt their principled blur the fundamental demand that they presented: that the Jewish majority recognize, recognition by the Jewish majority of the suffering and the mourning of the Arab public as a necessary condition for the building of a shared identity and for political cooperation in the future.

The Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu offers to Israel’s Arab citizens more funding, promises of employment integration into the employment market and promotions of advancement in the civil service, in exchange for silence sealing their mouths and forgetting obliterating their narrative. The prime minister often says the Nakba is a lie, that 90 percent per cent of the stories about it are not true and that people who make the events public cause whoever has published its history has caused damage to the State of Israel. No wonder his government insists on hiding the archive files that would expose some of the events of 1948 from primary sources.

Any additional funding and action to close gaps between Jews and Arabs is welcome and important. But they will not buy the silence of the Arab community nor inspire the singing of the national anthem “Hatikva” in the streets of Nazareth, Sakhnin and Umm al-Fahm. Only recognition of a parallel Israeli story, at the heart of which are immoral acts by the majority toward the minority, can be the basis for shared citizenship and true integration. Jewish history teaches us that peoples do not easily give up their narrative, even in the face of temptations and persecutions.

This is the challenge that has now been set before the Jewish politicians who dream of replacing the right-wing government and stopping Israel’s slide down the binational nationalist-religionalist slope. Their goal will not be achieved without the cooperation of with the Joint List and its voters. Instead of automatically taking a knee-jerk stand with Netanyahu and the extreme right, and chiding the Arabs for not being nice, they must find a way ways to win hearts in the heart of the minority community.

My thanks to Sol Salbe who suggested I post the corrections this way.

Questions &/or comments about anything in or about this corrected translation will be welcomed. So will likes!